You Don’t Own Your Digital Stuff. NFTs Could Actually Fix That — Without Intellectual Property.

2026-02-11 · 3,623 words · Singular Grit Substack · View on Substack

Why the “right-click save” crowd and the IP maximalists are both wrong, and how a 150-year-old economic tradition explains what digital ownership really means.


There’s a dirty secret lurking behind every digital purchase you’ve ever made. That Kindle book you bought? You don’t own it. That film on your iTunes library? Not yours either. That video game in your Steam account? You’re renting it, and the landlord can change the locks whenever they please.

In 2009, Amazon remotely deleted copies of George Orwell’s 1984 from customers’ Kindle devices. The irony was almost too perfect. But it wasn’t a glitch in the system — it was the system. When you “buy” a digital good in 2026, what you’re actually acquiring is a revocable license, governed by terms of service you never read, controlled by a platform that can alter the deal at any time. You have a contractual claim against a company, not ownership of a thing. And that distinction matters enormously.

So when NFTs burst onto the scene promising “digital ownership,” the reaction split predictably into two camps. Crypto enthusiasts declared that the blockchain had solved ownership forever. Skeptics — many of them very smart — pointed out that you can right-click and save any JPEG, so what exactly are you “owning”?

Both camps were wrong, but for interesting reasons. A new academic paper drawing on the Austrian school of economics — the tradition of Carl Menger, Ludwig von Mises, and Murray Rothbard — argues that genuine digital property is possible, but only if we’re precise about what we mean. And what it means is far more subtle, and far more consequential, than either side of the NFT debate has grasped.

The Paradox at the Heart of Digital Economics

Here’s the core tension. The Austrian economic tradition — one of the most rigorous schools of thought on property rights — holds that property exists because of scarcity. The argument, developed most rigorously by Hans-Hermann Hoppe, is not merely practical but philosophical: property norms arise because scarce resources can only be used by one person at a time, creating the possibility of conflict. Property rights resolve those conflicts by assigning exclusive control to specific people. Without scarcity, there are no conflicts to resolve and no need for property at all. My use of this chair excludes your use of it. We need rules about who gets to sit down.

Carl Menger’s framework reinforces the point from a different angle: a good becomes an economic good — something worth economizing over — only when the available quantity is insufficient to satisfy all wants. When goods exist in superabundance, they’re “free goods” that don’t require property institutions at all. Think of air — you don’t need ownership rules for something everyone can use without diminishing anyone else’s supply.

But digital goods aren’t like chairs, and they aren’t like scarce Mengerian economic goods either. A digital file can be copied a billion times at essentially zero cost. My copy of a song doesn’t prevent you from having an identical copy. There’s no rivalry, no conflict, no scarcity. And if there’s no scarcity, there’s no basis for property.

This is the argument Stephan Kinsella made in his influential Against Intellectual Property, and within its own framework, it’s airtight. Ideas and information aren’t scarce goods. Copyright and patent law don’t protect genuine property — they create state-granted monopoly privileges that actually violate real property rights by telling you what you can and can’t do with your own printer, your own hard drive, your own vocal cords. When the state says “you cannot use your printing press to reproduce this book,” it’s restricting your use of your genuinely scarce physical property in order to protect someone’s claim over a non-scarce pattern of information. You can’t own a pattern of information any more than you can own the number seven.

Kinsella’s argument has been enormously influential in libertarian and Austrian circles. It has not been seriously challenged on its own terms. And the paper I’m drawing from here concedes that it is, on its own terms, correct.

The conclusion most people drew from this? Digital ownership is a fantasy. All digital “property” is illusory. The only honest position is to accept that bits want to be free.

But that conclusion contains a hidden error — a conflation so subtle it has gone largely unchallenged. And exposing it opens the door to something genuinely new.

The Pattern Is Not the Good

Here’s the error: confusing the information with the product.

When you use Spotify, you’re not consuming a pattern of ones and zeros. You’re consuming authenticated access to a high-quality stream, delivered on demand, across multiple devices, with curated playlists, personalized recommendations, offline downloads, and social features. When you play a live-service video game, you’re not consuming a static file — you’re participating in a continuously updated ecosystem running on the developer’s servers, with real-time multiplayer, regular content drops, and community features.

The pattern — the underlying sequence of bits — is non-rivalrous and infinitely copyable. Kinsella is right about that, and nothing in this argument disputes it.

But the access infrastructure through which that pattern is consumed? That’s a collection of genuinely scarce resources: servers, bandwidth, cryptographic keys, device enclaves, software environments, platform accounts. Your use of that infrastructure does exclude others. It costs real money to build and maintain. It cannot be costlessly replicated by hitting Ctrl+C.

This is the distinction the paper calls “the pattern versus the access bundle,” and it changes everything. The question isn’t whether information can be made scarce (it can’t). The question is whether the means through which information is consumed can be made scarce (they can). And if they can, then Austrian property-rights theory applies to them — not to the information itself, but to the access, the permissions, and the participatory privileges that make the information valuable.

Four Kinds of “Digital Scarcity” — and Why You Shouldn’t Conflate Them

Part of the confusion around NFTs stems from the fact that people use the phrase “digital scarcity” to describe at least four completely different things.

The pattern. The information itself — the sequence of bits that constitutes a book, song, image, or film. This is non-rivalrous and infinitely copyable. You cannot make it scarce, and any attempt to do so through legal force is what Kinsella rightly calls monopoly privilege.

The token. An NFT is a cryptographically unique entry on a blockchain. It genuinely cannot be duplicated. Only one wallet holds the private key that controls it at any given time. But — and this is crucial — the token is not the digital good. It’s a reference to the digital good. Token scarcity alone doesn’t create scarcity in the referenced content.

Access to a service. When consumption is mediated by a platform — a streaming service, a token-gated server, a device-bound application — access can be made scarce through authentication and access control. Only holders of valid credentials get the full, high-quality, feature-rich version. This scarcity is genuine and enforceable through technological means.

Contractual permission. Even when you can get a copy of the content, the permission to use it commercially — to display it publicly, create derivative works, reproduce it for sale — can be made scarce through contractual agreement. A license to use an image in your merchandise is a genuinely scarce good, even though the image itself is copyable.

The “right-click save” critique of NFTs only lands against category one — the pattern. It completely misses categories two through four. When an NFT is integrated with real access-control infrastructure, “saving the JPEG” gives you exactly nothing of value. You’ve photocopied a title deed and declared yourself a homeowner.

How NFTs Actually Work as Property (When They Work)

An NFT, in its economically meaningful form, is not the digital good itself. It’s a transferable title to a defined bundle of claims: authenticated access to content, commercial permissions, community membership, claims on future updates, verified provenance, and potentially royalty rights.

This is exactly how property titles work in the physical world. A deed to a house is a piece of paper (or increasingly, a database entry). The paper can be photocopied, but the copy isn’t a valid title. The title is valuable because an institutional framework — a registry, a legal system, a community — recognizes it as conferring specific rights over a scarce resource.

But here’s the critical caveat the paper is honest about: a title is only as good as its enforcement. If nothing changes in the world when an NFT transfers — if the new holder gets no new access, no new permissions, no new privileges — then the token is a collectible certificate. It might have market value (collectors pay for certificates of all kinds), but it doesn’t constitute ownership of anything meaningful.

This is the legitimate core of NFT skepticism. The vast majority of tokens issued during the 2021–22 mania were exactly this: certificates on a blockchain referencing content hosted on centralized servers, with no mechanism to translate token ownership into differential access. They functioned as speculative collectibles. A perfectly legitimate market, but not one that supports claims of “digital property.”

The argument only applies to NFTs integrated with enforcement infrastructure — systems where the token controls access to genuinely scarce means. Token-gated consumption, where only the verified holder can decrypt or access the content. Token-gated production, where the NFT grants commercial rights to create derivative works or license the content. These are the cases where digital property gets real.

“But You Can Still Pirate It”

Yes. Any digital content displayed on a general-purpose device can, in principle, be copied somewhere in the delivery chain. A screen can be captured, a stream recorded, decrypted content in RAM extracted. The “analogue hole” — photographing a screen — is always available.

The claim that digital goods can be made absolutely impossible to copy is false.

But that’s the wrong question. The right question is: can the authorized version be made so superior that copying becomes commercially irrelevant?

And the answer, demonstrated by the entire trajectory of digital commerce over the past fifteen years, is yes.

The music industry’s transition from piracy-ravaged file sharing to streaming-dominated consumption didn’t happen because copying was prevented. It happened because Spotify and Apple Music made authorized access better — more convenient, more comprehensive, more feature-rich — than piracy. Netflix reduced film piracy not through DRM but by making legitimate streaming cheaper and easier than torrenting. Live-service games that require continuous server authentication have essentially eliminated piracy as a commercial factor. Cloud-based software that runs on the provider’s servers can’t be “pirated” in any meaningful sense because there’s no local copy to distribute.

The mechanism isn’t prohibition — it’s competitive service provision. The entrepreneur bundles scarce access services around the non-scarce informational core, creating a product more valuable than the bare content. That value can’t be replicated by copying the content alone.

This is the market route to digital property. Not “you may not copy this” (the intellectual property approach), but “the authorized version is so much better that copying isn’t worth the effort” (the entrepreneurial approach). An Austrian economist should find this deeply congenial. It locates the solution in competition and service innovation, not in state-enforced prohibition.

Drawing the Line: Property vs. Monopoly Privilege

This is where the argument gets philosophically precise, and where it matters most.

The line between NFT-mediated digital property and intellectual property monopoly can be stated with exactness. The NFT holder’s claim is a positive claim to specific scarce means: “I hold the key, the access, the permission.” It is not a negative claim against the world’s use of non-scarce information: “You may not reproduce this pattern.”

The first is genuine property in the Austrian sense — exclusive control over scarce means, acquired through legitimate title transfer, enforceable through possession and contract. The second is the monopoly privilege that Kinsella correctly identifies and rejects — a state-granted prohibition on using your own physical property in the service of copying a non-scarce pattern.

The analogy with trade secrets is illuminating. Rothbard argued that trade secrets are legitimate not because information is “owned” but because the secret-holder has a contractual relationship with those who receive the information. If the secret leaks through a third party who had no contractual obligation, the secret-holder has no claim against them — because the third party violated no agreement and took no scarce good.

NFT-mediated digital property follows exactly the same logic, extended by technological enforcement. The creator controls access through cryptographic means. The buyer acquires the token and, with it, authenticated access. If a third party obtains a copy through non-contractual means — screen capture, data extraction — the NFT holder has no property claim against them. The holder still has the token, the access, and the permissions. The third party has merely created a new copy of a non-scarce pattern, which isn’t a property violation.

This line can be blurred in practice. Some platform terms of service try to extend NFT claims beyond access bundles into general prohibitions on copying — effectively reinventing intellectual property under a blockchain veneer. When this happens, the system has crossed from the legitimate contractual model into the illegitimate monopoly model. Vigilance is required.

Answering the Hardest Objections

Three objections deserve serious treatment.

“This is just DRM and centralization repackaged.” The objection has force but overstates the case. There’s a spectrum from fully centralized platforms — which control access unilaterally and can revoke it at will — to fully decentralized protocols that store content on distributed networks and enforce access through cryptographic proofs with no single point of control. Current implementations span this spectrum, and the market will determine which tradeoff between convenience and user sovereignty consumers actually prefer. The Austrian response is that voluntary platform control — chosen by the user in exchange for service quality — is not coercive. What would be coercive is state-mandated DRM or state prohibition of circumvention tools, which extends a platform’s private exclusion mechanism into a universal prohibition enforced by law. The difference between “our platform requires authentication” and “the government will prosecute you for circumventing authentication” is the difference between contract and coercion.

“Secure enclaves restrict what I do with my own hardware.” Device-bound secure enclaves restrict what a user can do with decrypted content on their own device. Is this a violation of the user’s property rights in their hardware? The answer depends on voluntariness. If the user chooses a device with a secure enclave, knowing that it restricts extraction, the arrangement is a voluntary exchange — the user trades some freedom of use for access to content that wouldn’t otherwise be available on those terms. This is no different from buying a sealed product the manufacturer doesn’t permit the buyer to disassemble. The coercive element enters only if the state mandates secure enclaves or prohibits manufacturing devices without them — converting a voluntary technological constraint into a regulatory requirement.

“This is intellectual property by stealth.” This is the most serious objection and demands a precise answer. NFT-mediated digital property is not intellectual property in the Kinsella sense if and only if it satisfies two conditions: first, the holder’s claim is to specific scarce means (the token, the access infrastructure, the contractual permission), not to the pattern as such; and second, the enforcement mechanism is market-produced (cryptographic access control, platform authentication, voluntary contractual terms), not state-granted (legislative prohibition of copying, state-enforced DRM mandates, criminal penalties for circumvention). Any NFT ecosystem that meets these conditions is compatible with the strongest anti-IP position. Any that violates them has crossed the line into monopoly privilege. The job of the careful analyst is to evaluate each implementation against this standard, not to accept or reject NFTs wholesale.

The Architecture of Real Digital Ownership

For all of this to work, the token must be connected to infrastructure that makes transfers consequential. The emerging architecture has several layers.

Cryptographic key management verifies ownership by querying the blockchain and grants access only to verified holders. Token-gated content delivery stores content on centralized servers, decentralized networks like IPFS, or hybrid systems, delivering through authenticated channels that check ownership before granting access. Device-bound rendering uses secure enclaves — Apple’s Secure Enclave, ARM TrustZone — to decrypt and display content in ways that prevent extraction.

Perhaps most importantly, secondary market synchronization ensures that when a token transfers on the blockchain, the content delivery system automatically updates access rights for the new holder. Without this, you get “empty resales” — tokens that move without the actual access bundle following. Platforms that solve this coordination problem outcompete those that don’t, producing exactly the kind of market-driven institutional innovation that Austrian theory predicts.

This architecture also restores something digital commerce has systematically destroyed: the ability to resell. When you “buy” a digital good under a standard license, you typically cannot resell it. The NFT model restores alienability — the token is transferable by design, and the access bundle follows it. Digital goods can be resold, gifted, or bequeathed. In Austrian terms, this is a restoration of the market process: secondary-market prices communicate information about ongoing valuations, enabling the entrepreneurial reallocation of resources that Mises identified as the central function of market order.

The Bubble Was Real — and It Doesn’t Invalidate the Technology

The 2021–22 NFT bubble exhibited the classic features of what Austrian economists call a boom-bust cycle: easy money fueled by cryptocurrency appreciation and low interest rates, speculative frenzy driving prices for profile-picture NFTs with no associated access rights to absurd levels, narrative-driven euphoria, and an eventual correction exceeding 90 percent.

But the bust doesn’t invalidate the underlying innovation any more than the dot-com crash invalidated the internet. The crucial distinction is between NFTs that represent genuine access bundles — where the token controls access to scarce services and permissions — and NFTs that represent nothing beyond the token itself, where the value proposition is pure speculation on resale price. The former can sustain real markets because they title genuinely scarce goods. The latter are susceptible to bubble dynamics because their value depends entirely on the greater-fool theory.

The market correction did what market corrections do: eliminated speculative froth while leaving viable applications intact and developing.

What This Means for the Future of Ownership

The implications stretch far beyond profile pictures and collectibles.

Creators gain genuinely new options. Instead of choosing between advertising, subscription, or a one-time purchase of a non-transferable license, they can sell tiered access bundles, retain royalty streams on secondary sales, offer community membership as part of the purchase, and experiment with combinations of access and permission that didn’t previously exist. Whether these experiments succeed is an entrepreneurial question — the theoretical contribution is identifying the institutional framework that makes experimentation possible.

Consumers gain something they’ve systematically lost over two decades of digital commerce: actual ownership. The ability to resell a digital book, gift a digital film, bequeath a digital music collection. These are basic incidents of ownership that the license model eliminated, and the NFT model can restore.

Not everything should be propertized, and the paper is careful about this. Academic research, open-source software, public-domain works — these may be better served by free access. The Austrian tradition doesn’t prescribe universal propertization; it observes that property institutions emerge where they’re needed to resolve conflicts over scarce resources. Where no conflict exists and free access is preferred, NFT titles are a solution in search of a problem.

The One-Sentence Version

If you take nothing else from this, take the paper’s central claim, because it’s stated with rare precision:

NFTs do not make information scarce; they make titles to access scarce.

That is not a semantic distinction. It is the difference between a monopoly privilege over patterns — which restricts what you can do with your own hard drive — and a genuine property right over scarce means — which gives you transferable, enforceable control over authenticated access, commercial permissions, and participatory privileges.

The first is intellectual property, and the critics are right to reject it. The second is actual property, produced by markets rather than mandated by states, enforced by cryptography rather than by courts, and compatible with the strongest possible stance against IP monopolies.

The digital economy has spent two decades replacing ownership with licensing, property with permission, and markets with platform control. The question is whether the same technologies that enabled that dispossession can be redirected to restore genuine ownership — not through the coercive machinery of intellectual property law, but through the voluntary, competitive, entrepreneurial process that Austrian economists have always championed.

The answer, this paper argues, is yes. Not for all digital goods, not without significant institutional development, and not without the market process sorting winners from losers through the unforgiving test of profit and loss. But genuinely, structurally, yes.

The institutions required — token-gated content delivery, cryptographic key management, secondary-market synchronization, contractual royalties, market-supplied dispute resolution and title insurance — are in the early stages of the same competitive discovery process that historically produced property registries, title conveyance systems, and commercial arbitration in the physical world. The process is what Menger would recognize as spontaneous institutional emergence: decentralized, entrepreneurial, and requiring no central designer.

Several open questions remain. Which digital goods can sustain viable access-bundle markets? Books, music, film, games, and software differ substantially in their excludability characteristics, and only market experimentation will reveal the answer. How will market-supplied dispute resolution develop — can reputation systems, arbitration protocols, and title insurance achieve the reliability commercial activity demands? And as access-control technology matures and becomes less dependent on platform cooperation, does the NFT holder’s claim move closer to genuine proprietary rights, enforceable through possession alone rather than counterparty goodwill?

These are fascinating questions. But the foundational insight is already clear, and it changes the conversation entirely.


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